Outside alliances are testing the US-India bilateral partnership

The U.S.-India bilateral partnership has surprised many. Sitting on opposite sides during the Cold War — the U.S. leading the charge against communism and India leading the non-aligned movement — no scholar nor forecaster could have predicted the growth and trajectory of the relations between these nations over the last two decades.

From symbolic bear hugs between the leaders of the two democracies to tangible initiatives such as moving supply chains to the nation that was once labeled as “license raj” for its red tape, bureaucracy and licensing requirements, the relationship has proven many analysts wrong.

However, no nation or bilateral relationship is immune to the events of history. The U.S.-India bilateral partnership continues to be tested by the results of decisions made to address Cold War-era geopolitical and security challenges.

At the height of the Cold War, the U.S. pursued a strategy pitting China and Pakistan against India and the Soviet Union. Under the guidance of the recently deceased former secretary of state and presidential advisor, Henry Kissinger, the U.S. made Pakistan an ally and, as a direct consequence, India a natural challenge for its detente with China. The U.S. supported Pakistan in its war against India and often turned a blind eye to Pakistan supporting separatist elements in India. 

Fast forward to the present day, China has become a challenge and India an indispensable ally to the United States. Nonetheless, a few legacies of Kissinger live on — including Washington’s blind eye to separatist groups supported by Pakistan.

When news broke of Kissinger’s death at the age of 100, Chinese government officials and advocates of stronger U.S.-China ties mourned his passing. However, there were many others, including victims of his foreign policy actions, who referenced his record of unleashing terror on communities across the Global South, from Vietnam and Cambodia to India and Bangladesh. 

While most separatist and rebellion outfits supported by the U.S. government or its allies during Kissinger’s era have died down or withered over time (eg. South Vietnam), one has found a resurgence in the last few years. The Khalistan movement is beginning to resurface largely in nations part of the Five Eyes security and intelligence grouping such as the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada and the U.S, coincidentally.

Khalistan, a violent separatist movement that seeks to carve out a separate theocratic Sikh state in India, has been tied to bombings, assassinations, kidnappings and the selective killing and massacres of civilians. This has resulted in nearly 22,000 deaths of Indian Sikhs and Hindus alike, including approximately 12,000 civilians. The violence took on an international angle, when Canada-based Khalistani militants blew up an Air India flight in 1985, killing all 329 people on board.

The White House has, at least publicly, sequestered this dispute from the larger bilateral partnership. In September, we advocated for the Biden administration to stop any attempts by the Trudeau government to transform its bilateral dispute with India on the killing of a Khalistani separatist into a multilateral one involving the United States. 

Back then, the information surrounding the intelligence held by the U.S. was not publicly revealed. However, the recent U.S. indictment of Indian government officials has brought to light an investigation that makes claims similar to those made by Canada, only a few months after the results of Canada’s investigation were revealed.  

At the same time, the same Biden administration that took a hardline toward China in its initial years — and aggressively courted India — has begun to restart talks with the Chinese government through increased diplomatic exchanges, the latest at the sidelines of the APEC meeting in November between Biden and Chinese President Xi Jinping.

Since Russia invaded Ukraine, the U.S. and its allies in the West have publicly expressed discontent with India’s non-aligned position in the conflict. Ironically, the U.S. continues to refrain from condemning separatist activities such as the Khalistan movement. The same holds true for its position on the Israel-Hamas conflict. It considers Israel as an ally as well as Qatar, which hosts leaders of Hamas.

In 2023, U.S. ties with India are on a strong foundation to possibly become as tightly bound as U.S.-Israel relations. Still, the Biden administration is running with hares and hunting with hounds by supporting Qatar and Pakistan while championing ties with Israel and India. 

Akhil Ramesh is a senior fellow with the Pacific Forum. He has worked with governments, risk consulting firms and think tanks in the United States and India. Follow him on Twitter: Akhil_oldsoul.

Samir Kalra is the managing director of the Hindu American Foundation.