How Biden can make his State of the Union the most important in decades

The State of the Union address is the only constitutionally mandated speech given by the president. At the start, George Washington and John Adams personally delivered their addresses to Congress. But Thomas Jefferson thought an in-person speech was too magisterial and began the custom of delivering the address in writing.

In 1913, Woodrow Wilson resumed the practice of appearing before Congress to give his speech. Lyndon B. Johnson broke with precedent by moving the State of the Union speech from noon to primetime television. And in 1982, Ronald Reagan began inviting guests to sit with the first lady in the House gallery and told their stories to a rapt television audience. 

Today, the House of Representatives has become its own primetime television studio for presidents to stage their State of the Union performances. 

Members of Congress have also become part of the political drama. Democrats or Republicans either stand up to cheer the president or sit glumly in their seats depending on which party controls the White House. After Donald Trump delivered his 2020 State of the Union address, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) tore up his speech, a profound breach of congressional protocol. NBC anchor Lester Holt called it a “stunning moment.” 

Three years later, Joe Biden was mercilessly heckled by congressional Republicans over his pledge to protect Social Security and Medicare after Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.) had proposed sunsetting government programs after five years unless Congress reauthorized them. Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.) shouted “liar” at the president as her Republican colleagues joined her in a catcall of boos. 

Biden immediately went off script and engaged with the dissenters, securing their commitment on live television to protect these two vital programs. And one week after Biden’s speech Scott dropped his proposal. 

This year’s State of the Union address is far more important than usual. For starters, it comes two days after Super Tuesday. Normally, the speech is given either in late January or early February. House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.), who is responsible for issuing a formal invitation to the President, set this year’s date for March 7 — two days after Super Tuesday. By then, Biden and Trump will be their respective parties’ de facto presidential nominees. 

Seizing the opportunity, Biden immediately replied to Johnson, saying, “Looking forward to it, Mister Speaker.” 

Why Johnson delayed is unclear. But the speech and its setting lend an air of legitimacy to the Biden presidency — something that nearly two-thirds of Republicans reject. Exit polls conducted after the South Carolina primary found 87 percent of Trump voters believe the 2020 election was stolen. Donald Trump is such a dominant force that a prerequisite for being a good Republican is to think that Joe Biden is an illegitimate president. 

Signing a challenge to the 2020 election results, Rep. Mark Green (R-Tenn.) was reportedly overheard to remark, “The things we do for the Orange Jesus.” But by affixing his name to the document, Green retained his good standing within the Republican ranks.  

Perhaps realizing the strategic error of issuing a late invitation to Biden, former Freedom Caucus chair Scott Perry (R-Pa.) wants Johnson to disinvite the president, saying, “There’s no reason to invite him to get more propaganda.” But coming so soon after both parties have their presidential nominees, Biden will surely use his primetime platform to frame the terms of the 2024 contest. Think of it as Johnson’s in-kind contribution to the Biden campaign.  

Other traps could also lure Republicans into more strategic errors. Following the Robert Hur report that described Biden as a “sympathetic, well-meaning, elderly man with a poor memory,” Republicans will be sorely tempted to heckle the president and throw him off his game. If they get their wish and succeed, it will, once again, raise the age issue.  

But it could also backfire. Showing stamina, deftness and quick thinking in the face of Republican jeers worked for Biden last year. And a television audience consisting of tuned-in Democrats would surely take offense to Republican antics and help shore up Biden’s support base.  

Over the years, audiences for State of the Union addresses have declined, and most speeches have been quickly forgotten. Perhaps the most well-known was Franklin D. Roosevelt’s 1941 address in which he called for a world founded upon freedom of speech and religion, freedom from want and freedom from fear. Bill Clinton used his 1996 speech to declare that “the era of big government is over,” thereby ingratiating himself to an electorate still enthralled by Ronald Reagan. 

Today’s State of the Union addresses are as much about substance as showmanship. Ronald Reagan excelled before the cameras. So, too, did Bill Clinton. Caught in the middle of the Monica Lewinsky scandal in 1998, more Americans tuned into Clinton’s hour-plus speech to see if he was still on top of his job. Afterward, Clinton’s job approval shot up 10 points, and any serious attempt to evict him from the White House died that night. 

This year, Joe Biden has a similar opportunity to lift his political standing. While the content of Biden’s State of the Union address is important and likely to be loaded with popular proposals, appearances matter. This speech is a unique and timely opportunity for Biden to show the public that he is on top of his job. After all, seeing is believing.  

If Biden can make the most of these opportunities, his campaign should send Speaker Johnson a great big thank-you card.

John Kenneth White is a professor of politics at The Catholic University of America and author of “Grand Old Unraveling: The Republican Party, Donald Trump, and the Rise of Authoritarianism.”