Biden’s Afghanistan blunder in perspective

Joe Biden had it right on Afghanistan … until he got it wrong.

The president has long thought the American presence in Afghanistan was unsustainable. As vice president, he opposed the huge increase in American military forces during the Obama administration. In 2020, he campaigned against “endless wars.”

The tragedy of the last few days was not a surprise. After almost 20 years of American involvement and more than a trillion dollars in resources, the Afghan government, in a matter of days, folded like a cheap tent to the Taliban surge.

Pulling out of Afghanistan was inevitable. But the lack of preparation — failing to get all American supporters out safely and expeditiously — was rank incompetence.

Some of the critics are just playing games. House Republican leader Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.), in a telephone briefing with top administration officials, blasted the administration and then complained Republicans couldn’t ask questions. He expressed few qualms when Donald Trump planned an even speedier withdraw of American forces.

More seriously, Gen. David Petraeus, the former commander of forces there, suggested that it was inexcusable the Biden team didn’t anticipate the consequences. The politically astute general, who has long acknowledged the war was unwinnable, claimed the situation could have been “managed.”

For how long? A year, 10 years, 20? He didn’t say. He also rejected any personal criticism for the failure to adequately train the Afghan forces.

Still, Biden’s claims last month — as he was withdrawing all American forces — that there wouldn’t be any speedy Taliban takeover or chaos like what occurred when Saigon fell in 1975 were reckless. They didn’t reflect the experienced hand he promised to be. They also suggest this is not an ‘A team’ in charge.

The consequences for some are tragic. For all the failing of the overall policy, there have been notable successes: more opportunities, especially for women and girls; educational reform, and entrepreneurial activities. All this ends with the Taliban.

It’s unimaginable that — knowing they were leaving — this White House couldn’t figure out how to cut through the bureaucratic red tape and get out everyone who helped America.

However, a brief review of these two decades offers a classic case of mission creep. America went into Afghanistan after Osama bin Laden, who was given sanctuary there, and masterminded the Sept. 11 attacks on America. Al Qaeda largely was driven out of the country. George W. Bush declared “mission accomplished,” and lost focus with his obsession over Iraq.

In the 2008 national election, Barack Obama criticized that as a diversion, suggesting Afghanistan was the good or worthy war. In office, this belief waned, but Obama gave in to the demands of the military and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton to escalate the American forces to more than 100,000. By the end of his administration, Obama sought a way out. So did the isolationist Donald Trump, who cut a rotten deal with the Taliban.

Biden, who wanted to reverse practically every other Trump decision, embraced this one — but extended the deadline several months. Now, the administration is scrambling to alleviate the unanticipated fallout.

The late Richard Holbrooke, the brilliantly difficult diplomat in charge of Afghanistan and Pakistan the first two years of the Obama administration, warned about the lessons of Vietnam, where he had been a foreign service officer. He was told to shut up on the Vietnam stuff.

That was a mistake.

The similarities far outweighed the differences: U.S. involvement in a civil war, allied with a corrupt government against a more committed, deep rooted — if evil — foe.

It’s historically ignorant when commentators and lawmakers like Sen. Ben Sasse (R-Neb.) say this is worse than Saigon in 1975. Vietnam was the first war America lost with 58,000 U.S. combat deaths, ten-fold more than in Afghanistan. It was thought at the time to be a devastating setback for America’s global standing, ushering in an inexorable rise of communism in the region — the domino theory — and a boost to the Soviet Union.

Within 15 years, the Soviet Union collapsed, no fallen dominos ensued, and America then was the world’s sole superpower.

There was a presidential election the year following Vietnam — between the incumbent Gerald Ford, who presided over the Saigon collapse, and Democrat Jimmy Carter. Jerry Rafshoon, who was Carter’s media strategist, told me: “Jimmy promised to close the book on Vietnam and said it would not be an issue.”

I suspect the dire warnings that Afghanistan will become a haven for terrorist attacks on America are likewise exaggerated. How the U.S. deals with China, Russia or Iran will matter more.

Most Americans will be relieved that the country’s longest war is over. Politically, Biden’s worry is that a weakness conveyed in the way we withdrew will carry over.

Al Hunt is the former executive editor of Bloomberg News. He previously served as reporter, bureau chief and Washington editor for the Wall Street Journal. For almost a quarter century he wrote a column on politics for The Wall Street Journal, then The International New York Times and Bloomberg View. He hosts Politics War Room with James Carville. Follow him on Twitter @AlHuntDC.