The United States and its allies remain locked in a fight against the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), and near-weekly gruesome acts by ISIS remind the world why the group is the target of military actions. But in an effort to defeat this foe, the United States is also making some unfortunate Faustian bargains in the Middle East, propping up allies with dubious records on human rights or governmental accountability in exchange for their assistance in fighting ISIS or balancing Iran’s influence in the region.
The usual suspects cited in terms of these bargains tend to be Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the United Arab Emirates.
{mosads}But one country has tended to get a pass. And that is Turkey, which is quietly but steadily backsliding into what is referred to as competitive authoritarianism. This means that the country holds elections in which the incumbent faces challengers but that these challengers do not operate on a level playing field in that checks and balances have been eroded to the point of becoming meaningless. The trend in Turkey is worrisome and risks short-term victories in the region at the expense of the longer-term goal of supporting sound democratic governance among its allies.
The first concern relates to the concentration of executive authority. For example, the parliament has recently approved a discretionary fund for President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, with no legislative or judicial supervision. The fund can be used for national security purposes, but also “political, social and cultural purposes and extraordinary services.” Opposition parties have referred to the new fund as a “presidential coup” because it grants the government a blank check. The bill raises serious concerns about the lack of oversight and the president’s ability to further consolidate power and tilt the electoral playing field against political opponents.
Second, a new domestic security bill is set to severely restrict civil liberties and undermine political opposition. The bill gives the police broad powers to use firearms against demonstrators and imprison protestors who demonstrate with their faces partly or fully covered. The government has not hesitated to repress political demonstrations in the past, and this legislation will further stifle political dissent at a critical time leading up to the June 7 election.
Third, the government has consistently eroded freedom of speech and media oversight, both of which are crucial for democratic life. Reporters who question the government’s policies are sent to prison. A recent report by the Vienna-based International Press Institute (IPI) finds that government censorship of the traditional media and online media has increased, and that Turkey is experiencing “a drift toward authoritarianism” through self-censorship. Similarly, Twitter’s recently released Transparency Report reveals that Turkey requested the removal of 2,642 accounts in 2014, of which 62 were withheld. Worldwide, the total number of withheld accounts is 85, meaning that Turkey makes up the lion’s share of such accounts. All of this points to a tight control over dissent and the erosion of a central pillar of democracy.
In line with the concentration of executive power and the erosion of civil liberties, Erdoğan is pushing for a constitutional reform to broaden the president’s powers and adopt a plurality electoral system. Experts in constitutional deem this type of winner-take-all system undesirable for fragile democracies. In the context of Turkey’s ethnically divided society and recent history of military coups, this reform would only increase the likelihood of democratic breakdown.
Supporters of the status quo would respond that the populace will have a chance to register their dissatisfaction at the upcoming elections. Without a level playing field, however, where opposition groups and the press lack the ability to raise criticisms, the election will fail to serve as a free and fair mechanism to select leaders.
Supporters of the U.S. turning a blind eye to these rollbacks would point to Turkey’s essential role in fighting ISIS. The U.S. stations armed drones at Incirlik Air Base, giving it a helpful perch for fighting in the Middle East. The U.S. needs only go back to 2003, when Turkey did not permit access to Iraq through Turkey, to consider the impediments it would face without access to this base.
Nonetheless, ignoring these rollbacks would be shortsighted. The United States has a long-term interest in supporting democratic governance in the region. Turkey is central to that vision, but it is engaging in the types of reforms that, if unchecked, will be hard to undo.
Kreps is an associate professor of government at Cornell University. Follow her on Twitter @sekreps. Flores-Macías is an assistant professor of government at Cornell. Follow him on Twitter @Gustavo_F_M.