During last year’s presidential campaign, President Trump’s America First doctrine was described as an argument for changing America’s actions at home and abroad while departing from the US postwar order that Trump argued left many US workers behind. This markedly different platform created uncertainty in world affairs, giving policymakers in Washington and elsewhere plenty of heartburn as they strove to make sense of the new policy.
In his first days in office, Trump made good on his pledge to withdraw the U.S. from the 12-nation Trans-Pacific Partnership trade deal, describing the withdrawal as “a great thing for the American worker.” It was a clear signal to free traders in the U.S. and overseas that the new president was following through on campaign promises to institute drastic change to trade practices that he argued were harmful to American manufacturing and jobs.
{mosads}Yet on matters of foreign affairs and national security policy, the president’s actions of late indicate a return to conventional US practices as the White House encounters the realities facing the country, its allies and interests. As events unfold, these policy changes will likely garner the support of internationalists, “establishment Republicans,” and US partners.
Syria is one such example. The U.S. tomahawk missile strike against the Shayrat airbase is a case in point.
This action was a dramatic reversal of Trump’s campaign rhetoric against U.S. entanglement in the Syrian Civil War. It is also likely to provide reassurance to America’s Gulf Arab partners of U.S. involvement against the Assad regime when certain red lines are crossed.
To the relief of many, Trump has also changed course on NATO and Russia. At an April 13 news conference with NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg, President Trump did a 180 on his prior hostility to NATO, stating that NATO is “no longer obsolete.” During an interview that same day with the Fox Business Network, President Trump changed his complimentary tone for Russian President Vladimir Putin, criticizing him for his loyalty to Assad and stating that it was “very bad” for Russia as well as the world.
And while China was one of Trump’s favorite targets during the campaign, he has softened his tone and at times even praised Beijing. He backed down on campaign commitments to label China as a currency manipulator, telling the Wall Street Journal on April 12 that the Chinese are “not currency manipulators.”
The president also referred to his and Chinese President Xi’s “good bonding” following what is widely regarded as a successful introductory meeting between the two leaders at Mar-a-Lago on April 6-7. This in addition to President Trump expressing his openness to making trade concessions to Beijing in exchange for help with North Korea.
Asia Pacific states have viewed the initial Trump-Xi meeting with cautious optimism and hope that the two powers can make headway on the North Korea nuclear crisis and other looming challenges. They are also encouraged by Vice President Mike Pence’s recent trip to South Korea, Japan, Indonesia and Australia for purposes of assuring local partners of Washington’s commitment to the region.
For his part, President Trump has argued that his policy reversals on China have yielded benefits, noting China’s abstention from a United Nations Security Council resolution condemning the chemical attack on civilians in Syria as well as China’s turning back of North Korean coal-carrying cargo ships, characterizing it as a “big step” on the road towards cracking down Pyongyang.
It also bears noting that Trump’s bustling schedule as chief diplomat can also be seen as a partial departure from the America First doctrine. To the approval of many mainstream Republicans in Congress, the president played the part of an active internationalist during his first 100 days in office, hosting discussions for leaders from key U.S. partner countries such as the United Kingdom, Japan, Canada, Israel, Germany, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan and Italy.
Some view the president’s reversals as a praiseworthy indication that he has obtained a deeper understanding of the issues. Others believe that it indicates that traditionalists like National Security Advisor H.R. McMaster, Secretary of State Rex Tillerson and Secretary of Defense Jim Mattis are edging out more conservative advisors, including Steve Bannon. Regardless of the cause, the outcome — Trump’s adoption of more conventional foreign policies — is surely causing many to breathe a sigh of relief.
Ted Gover, Ph.D., is an instructor in political science at Central Texas College in Camp Pendleton, California.
The views expressed by contributors are their own and are not the views of The Hill.