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Putin must go — Russians deserve a future free from Putin’s repression

Russian President Vladimir Putin speaks during his annual news conference in Moscow, Russia, Thursday, Dec. 14, 2023. (AP Photo/Alexander Zemlianichenko, Pool)

Saturday marks the two-year anniversary of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, an invasion which came eight years after an initial Russian assault that resulted in the illegal annexation of Crimea. Over the past two years, Russian troops have committed numerous war crimes and atrocities, which some human rights experts have deemed genocidal. At the heart of this evil lies one man, Vladimir Putin, whose callous disregard for human life was brazenly displayed again just last week in the murder of one of his foremost political opponents, Alexei Navalny. It is time the United States make clear what has become abundantly obvious—Putin must go.

Sen. John McCain recognized from the beginning the significant danger Putin posed to American interests and values, to Russia’s neighbors, and to the international order. Sen. McCain never believed it was possible to look into Putin’s soul and find someone trustworthy, nor did he believe that attempting to cooperate with Putin would dissuade him from pursuing his objectives and aggressively countering the United States. Those of us who worked in the executive branch who argued for strong deterrence and firm diplomacy as the foundation of U.S.-Russia policy saw, as McCain did, that calibrating our actions in the hope that he would be less provocative was useless. It should be clear to all by now that, as McCain warned, Putin “is and will remain our implacable foe.”

The record of the past two decades demonstrates that as long as Vladimir Putin remains in control, Russia will be a chronic and acute threat. Putin has consistently wreaked havoc around the globe, destabilizing entire regions in a maniacal attempt to reestablish an imperialistic repressive empire. Ukraine is not the only country he has made to suffer. Georgia, MoldovaSyria, and entire swaths of the African continent have been devastated by Russian troops and mercenaries. And if new reports suggesting Russia may be trying to launch a nuclear weapon into space are accurate, Putin’s deranged ambitions are reaching Bond villain levels.

The United States cannot afford to continue being reactive when it comes to Putin and his regime. Instead, we need a Russia strategy grounded in the reality that the only chance for stability is a Russia no longer under the thumb of Putin. We should be realistic that whoever comes next is not guaranteed to necessarily be much better, but they will not be worse.

To be clear, this strategy does not mean Iraq-style regime change. However, it does mean that the United States be far more decisive and forceful in its efforts to oppose the Putin regime in three concrete ways.

First, the Biden administration must unequivocally make the case that the Putin regime is illegitimate. As Russia prepares to endure another sham election, President Biden should take a page from the Reagan playbook and leave no doubt that the Putin regime is nothing more than the spiritual successor of the Soviet Union, an evil empire that one day too will be left on the ash heap of history. Instead, we must declare that we stand with dissident Vladimir Kara-Murza and his fellow Russian patriots who are working for a truly democratic Russia. This will involve working aggressively to ensure the safety of Russian political prisoners, including Kara-Murza who remains in grave danger.

Two, we must be more aggressive in taking the information warfare fight to Russia. Putin’s Russia has become a master at spreading disinformation here, and we need to counter that by aggressively spreading truth within Russia. Years ago, Sen. McCain called for great use of our cyber capabilities to “expose the epic scale” of Putin’s corruption and embarrass him to the Russian people. These tactics are even more needed, and useful, today, as evidenced by Putin’s fear of Navalny, who had been a leading voice exposing the Putin regime’s extensive corruption.

And three, we must be far more decisive with our support to Ukraine. Yes, this means continuing to provide needed funding, much of which is actually reinvested back into the American economy. However, just as importantly, it means getting Ukraine the weapons systems they need to win in a far more timely fashion. It also means allowing Ukraine to use the systems for maximum impact, including striking military targets within Russia. And we must begin seizing Russian assets currently frozen in Western financial institutions and transferring them to Ukraine to support the war effort and reconstruction.

Sen. McCain wrote in 2013 in an article addressing the Russian people that he was “more pro-Russian than the regime that misrules you today,” and that “the Russian people, no less than Americans, are endowed by our Creator with inalienable rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.” Putin may have intended the murder of Navalny to be a display of strength, but it instead just reinforces his weakness and fear of his own people. Just as Russia’s neighbors deserve a future free from Russian aggression, the Russian people deserve a future free from Putin’s repression. It’s time to start thinking more concretely about making that future a reality.

Evelyn N. Farkas, Ph.D., is executive director of the McCain Institute and served as deputy assistant defense secretary for Russia, Ukraine, and Eurasia from 2012-2015.