It is no coincidence that as Venezuelans prepare to go to the polls this Sunday with hopes of restoring democracy, Russia’s Vladimir Putin sent warships to make stops in Venezuela and Cuba over the last month. In doing so, Putin made clear that he is on a global crusade to dismantle democracy, even if it means bringing his authoritarian advances right to our doorstep.
Russia’s ties to Latin America and the Caribbean are not new, but the war in Ukraine has emboldened Putin to deepen his influence in the region by revitalizing military ties with Venezuela, Cuba, Nicaragua and others, undermining U.S. partnerships, and waging disinformation campaigns.
Russia’s diplomatic courtship of Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) since its Ukraine invasion has yielded surprising success. Russia wields leverage over countries that rely on its global arms industry. Cuba, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Bolivia and Peru are all leading purchasers of Russian military equipment. Fortifying Russia’s military-industrial complex is a top concern for Putin, whose defense industrial base is compromised by U.S. and European sanctions.
Moscow’s sale of advanced weaponry to Venezuela, which includes fighter jets and helicopters, has emboldened President Nicolás Maduro’s aggression, evidenced by Venezuela’s militarization of the Guyana border in February. And if this Sunday’s national elections in Venezuela don’t go the way of the Russia-backed Maduro, expect a “military crisis” in Guyana to upend the election’s results.
Moscow is also expanding its military presence in the region. Since 2022, Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega has allowed the permanent stationing of Russian military personnel in his country. Joint military exercises are conducted, ostensibly, for humanitarian aid and emergency response preparedness. Russian state TV host Olga Skabeeva bluntly revealed Russia’s true intentions: “It’s time for Russia to roll out something powerful closer to the American city on a hill.”
Moscow has also revitalized its intelligence operations by mobilizing sleeper cells and conducting signal intelligence operations in Nicaragua and Brazil using GLONASS (Russia’s global navigation satellite system). Mexico reportedly has the highest number of Russian intelligence officers stationed overseas and served as the transit point for Russian intelligence to Cuba. Chinese and Russian spy facilities are being constructed near Havana. And, a Russian spy couple spent five years in Argentina building their background story before moving to Slovenia disguised as Argentine immigrants. The Russians arrived in Argentina from Uruguay and Mexico.
The Kremlin’s greatest accomplishment in Latin America over the past two years is the proliferation of Russian state media. Russia Today’s 24/7 cable news boasts an audience of over 20 million, making it the most popular foreign news service in the region. In 2023, Russia Today’s TikTok was more popular than BBC Mundo, El Pais, Telemundo and Univision. After Russia’s slaughter of Ukrainian civilians in Bucha, Russia Today was the third most shared site on X for Spanish-language information about the war in Ukraine.
Analyses of Russia Today’s Spanish language content have revealed that Russian disinformation is aimed at weakening the U.S. If allowed to flourish, Russian disinformation campaigns will exploit societal divisions, increasing the likelihood of electing anti-U.S. politicians and souring public sentiment. Engendering suspicion of U.S. motives in this region could undermine critical economic partnerships.
The U.S. accounts for roughly 31 percent of the region’s merchandise imports and 45 percent of its merchandise exports. The majority of U.S. free trade agreements are with LAC countries. And the LAC region is key to U.S. efforts to reduce its reliance on China and secure supply chains.
Russia’s influence has been allowed to expand as a direct result of comparative U.S. disinterest in the region. The U.S. must reengage with our regional partners, and it’s imperative that our strategy also address China, Iran and other malign actors that enable one another. First, acknowledging the vast extent of Russia’s manipulation activities, Washington should devote significant resources to public diplomacy.
We should combat Russia Today by investing in entities like Voice of America targeted at Spanish language audiences. We must empower the State Department’s Global Engagement Center to track Russian disinformation efforts and conduct messaging campaigns that expose the hypocrisy of regimes whose expansionist foreign policies masquerade as “anti-imperialist.”
Second, we must fortify our intelligence agencies to preempt and assess Russian collusion with anti-U.S. regimes. Finally, the U.S. should offer LAC countries compelling alternatives to partnership with Russia and China. The U.S. and its allies should pursue trade and investment in the region based on principles of transparency and reciprocity. Our prime economic asset is our private sector, and we should leverage entities such as the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation and Ex-Im Bank of the United States’ China and Transformational Export Program to unleash its potential.
While some in the U.S. dismiss Russian aggression as “Europe’s problem,” Russian officials openly plot to subvert U.S. interests. We must engage with our Latin American and Caribbean neighbors to encourage goodwill, stimulate mutually beneficial economic activity and thwart Russia’s growing influence in the region. We must take action to combat Putin’s authoritarian advances in Ukraine, Venezuela and our own backyard.
Evelyn N. Farkas, Ph.D. is executive director of the McCain Institute and served as deputy assistant secretary of Defense for Russia, Ukraine and Eurasia from 2012 to 2015.