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The parallel in Ukraine isn’t to World War II — it’s to Korea

A worker shovels snow near a monument in remembrance of the Korean War at the Korea War Memorial Museum in Seoul Wednesday, Nov. 27, 2024. (AP Photo/Ahn Young-joon)

The Russian invasion of Ukraine reveals that World War II still looms large in our American imagination.

A “good war” if ever there was one, many commentators compare that civilizational crusade against Nazi terror to the defense of Ukraine. They see Russian President Vladimir Putin as the second coming of Adolf Hitler and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky as another Winston Churchill. 

Yet American history offers a far better parallel to the situation in Ukraine — the Korean War.

Sometimes called “The Forgotten War,” the conflict in Korea began 75 years ago this June. Much like Ukraine, South Korea was invaded without provocation by its better-armed neighbor with the excuse of reuniting a nation. The South Korean government, an imperfect democracy, received support from all over the free world but mainly from the U.S.

North Korea, a dictatorship, primarily depended upon the support of Communist China. After dramatic developments in the first few months of the war, the fighting settled into a stalemate that saw enormous losses as both sides poured soldiers into what was called “the meat-grinder.” Ultimately, more than 36,000 Americans died to contain communism and keep Korea free.


Some Americans favored breaking that impasse and dramatically escalating the conflict, but President Harry Truman sensed it could spiral into World War III and limited our options. After three years of fighting, newly inaugurated President Dwight Eisenhower — the heroic retired general who knew the true costs of war — was finally able to secure a cease-fire in which both sides essentially agreed to keep the territory they occupied and establish a demilitarized zone between them.

No one accused Eisenhower of cozying up to North Korean dictator Kim Il Sung for accepting the cease fire.

Supporters of President Trump’s peace plans for Ukraine can argue that he follows in the footsteps of his predecessors by seeking to avoid direct conflict with a nuclear superpower. Trump, like Truman and Eisenhower, accepts the practical limits of what kind of peace he can secure. His opponents do not seem to offer alternatives other than continued stalemate or reckless escalation.

Americans have been and remain skeptical about putting boots on the ground, sacrificing their own sons and daughters to liberate every last inch of Ukrainian territory. Instead, they appreciate that a cease-fire will give Ukraine a chance to begin recovering. American investments in Ukraine, such as those promised in Trump’s proposed mineral-rights deal, could even lead Ukraine to South Korean-like levels of prosperity.

Trump’s critics may argue that the recovery of South Korea could only occur under its American security guarantee — a key Zelensky demand. Perhaps they forget that the 1953 Mutual Defense Pact with South Korea was only ratified months after the cease-fire that ended the actual fighting. Perhaps they also overlook that, in 1953, only the U.S. had the military ability to protect South Korea, whereas today there are very capable European countries up to that task.

Those seeking to deploy American troops as peacekeepers in Ukraine, to deter future Russian aggression, must do more to convince skeptics of such a necessity.

The Korean War brought about a new era of permanent military mobilization in the U.S. Our servicemen and women stand ready to defend our nation’s interests at any hour, anywhere in the world, and they deserve our gratitude. Yet as he left office years later, President Eisenhower cautioned us against what he called the grave implications of that condition.

He foresaw the possibility that a military-industrial complex could wield unwarranted influence over our government, perhaps pushing us into unnecessary and disastrous conflicts. Those clamoring for more aid for Ukraine must assure skeptics that they accept the limits of American interests there.

Seventy-five years after the first shots were fired across their border, North and South Korea have yet to sign a formal peace treaty. Hostility between Russia and Ukraine may last even longer, but an end to the fighting now seems like an essential step toward achieving that goal.

The Korean War, not World War II, should be Ukraine’s template for ending this tragedy.

Patrick McCormack is a veteran of the Army National Guard and a teacher of modern American history. He comments on military and international affairs.

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