The big winner in the two-night first round of the Democratic primary debates? Sen. Kamala Harris of California. She became the voice of the new Democratic Party – female, nonwhite, articulate, fearless and progressive.
A couple of other candidates did well and probably boosted their campaigns, notably Mayor Pete Buttigieg of South Bend, Ind., and former Obama administration cabinet member Julian Castro of Texas.
Buttigieg is young, gay, relatively moderate and refreshingly candid. Asked why he failed to diversify his city’s police force, he admitted: “Because I couldn’t get it done.” Castro is Hispanic, liberal and bold enough to take on his fellow Texan, former congressman Beto O’Rourke, over the immigration issue, telling him on the first of two nights of debates: “I think you should do your homework on this issue.”
And the losers?
O’Rourke failed to make much of an impression. The two New Yorkers, Mayor Bill de Blasio and Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand, were very aggressive and sometimes pushy; that may be a New York thing (see Donald Trump) but it also may not play well nationally. Former Vice President Joe Biden was on the defensive for much of the time during the second night’s debate, arguing for an older — and more tired — vision of the Democratic Party.
The older Democratic Party was forced to figure out a way to survive in the Ronald Reagan era. Younger Democrats feel no similar compulsion to accommodate Donald Trump.
The split between old and new Democrats was apparent in these debates. It’s generational. It’s ideological — progressives versus moderates. And it’s demographic — older white men versus young Democrats, women, and racial and sexual minorities.
But the party’s division is not particularly bitter. You want bitter? Go back to the Democratic Party of the 1960s and 1970s, when divisions over race and war tore the party apart and led to violent confrontations.
Today’s Democratic divisions fade away in the face of an overwhelming threat: Donald Trump. Democrats place a high premium on electability for 2020. If that means nominating Biden because he has the best chance of beating Trump, then they will nominate Biden, even if their hearts are with other candidates.
Suppose Biden wins the nomination. He will have to choose a more progressive candidate as his running mate. If Biden then gets elected president, he will be 81 years old when it’s time to run for a second term: a perfect opportunity to do what another young Democratic contender urged him to do during Thursday night’s debate: “Pass the torch.”
With a Biden-Harris ticket, Democrats could have it both ways: a familiar, relatively safe and more moderate candidate who can beat Trump next year, and an exciting new face to carry the party into a more diverse and a more progressive future.
But after the confrontation Thursday night, can we really expect Biden and Harris to join forces? Sure. There was no division over values. Harris: “I do not believe you are a racist, and I agree with you when you commit yourself to the importance of finding common ground.”
Remember, politics is driven by ambition. There are ten reasons for a nominee to choose a running mate. The first is to pick someone who will help you win. The other nine reasons don’t matter.
Bill Schneider is a professor at the Schar School of Policy and Government at George Mason University and author of ‘Standoff: How America Became Ungovernable’ (Simon & Schuster).