Everyone loses in a redistricting war 

Gerrymandering, a wonky topic previously discussed mainly among AP history students and political scientists, has recently dominated national news headlines. In the fight for control of Congress after the 2026 midterm elections, governors of several states are opting to hijack the decennial process for partisan advantage, rather than letting voters decide directly who should represent them in Congress.  

Election analyst and redistricting expert Dave Wasserman recently referred to what’s happening as the “gerrymandering apocalypse.” CNN referred to it as a “battle royale.” And Gov. Kathy Hochul (D-N.Y.) said, “we are at war.”  

It’s easy to point fingers at Gov. Greg Abbott (R-Texas) and say “he started it!” Abbott acquiesced to President Trump’s suggestion that the state take up redistricting mid-cycle and draw five additional Republican seats — a seemingly desperate attempt to avoid the “midterm curse,” where the incumbent president’s party typically loses House seats in a midterm election. 

But the Archduke Ferdinand in the war on redistricting isn’t Texas, it’s actually Ohio.  

There’s a famous adage relevant here: “So goes Ohio, so goes the nation.” And over the past two redistricting cycles, Ohio has gone down a very gerrymandered path that the nation now seems to be following. In matters that extend beyond Ohio and gerrymandering, it is imperative that we pay attention to what is going on in statehouses around the country, “laboratories of autocracy” as they are often rightly called, for a glimpse into the corruption that awaits our national politics. 

Ohio has some of the most gerrymandered maps in the nation. Its state legislature and Republican-dominated redistricting committee gerrymandered maps through a series of secret backroom deals, disregard of multiple court orders, and a deliberate strategy of confusing voters to sabotage attempted reform. They even tried to impeach the Republican chief justice of the Ohio Supreme Court for ruling their rigged maps unconstitutional. 

But while state politicians were gerrymandering Ohio, unfortunately, few people were paying attention. Despite repeatedly breaking the rules, there was no accountability for the elected officials who took part in the scheme. To the contrary, most who participated were rewarded with electoral districts they were guaranteed to win, and a veto-proof majority in the state legislature. This has allowed Republicans in the state to pass unpopular laws that aren’t supported by most voters.  

Take, for example, Ohio’s Heartbeat Law, which outlawed abortion after six weeks of pregnancy. Poll after poll showed that a majority — nearly 60 percent — of Ohioans supported abortion rights, with only 32 percent opposed and 10 percent undecided. These numbers have held relatively steady over several years. However, the 2019 legislative vote passing the bill seemed to reflect the inverse; the Ohio House passed the measure 56-40 and the Ohio Senate 18-12. 

Although average voters around the country weren’t paying attention to what was happening in the Buckeye State, political operatives were. What happened in Ohio is now serving as a playbook for what we are seeing in states like Texas, Missouri and Florida.  

The governors and state legislatures of these states have indicated that they are willing to cheat to win. The Trump administration has demonstrated its willingness to ignore court orders it does not like. And, if they continue to do so, we will likely have a Congress that continues to pass legislation that is unpopular with voters.  

Politics is often like physics, in that for every action, there is an equal and opposite reaction. Democrats have indicated they are willing to fight back by gerrymandering blue states such as California and New York. Some have praised them for this effort, with one Democratic consultant stating: “There’s anger among Democrats, and they wonder why their elected leaders aren’t doing everything they can to fight back. … Kathy Hochul is out there saying, ‘I’ll do everything I can to fight back — including gerrymandering the s–t out of New York.’” 

But as the redistricting wars escalate, it is also a reminder that, as in any war, no one actually wins. Regardless of which party controls Congress after the 2026 midterms, voters in both red and blue states will be disenfranchised, in direct violation of the Supreme Court’s “one man, one vote” edict . Both Democrats in red states and Republicans in blue states will be without any genuine form of representation. And even those who have a congressman of their preferred party affiliation will likely be represented by a more extremist candidate whose policy positions aren’t reflective of the people in that district. 

As noted by The Associated Press, “gerrymandering, once a feared accusation, has now become a battle cry.” If there’s any lesson we can take away from the fight, it’s that the lines we need to redraw aren’t those separating congressional districts, but the ones we are willing to cross to ensure our side wins at all costs.  

Rory Riley Topping is a legal analyst for Spectrum News 1 Ohio, a former Hill staffer, and author, including the book “Justice and the American Veteran” and a forthcoming book on partisan gerrymandering.