Mitt Romney has maintained his one-quarter vote share in the Republican contest against all comers … and against those who stayed home. Whether confronting hypothetical threats from Donald Trump, Mitch Daniels, Mike Huckabee, Sarah Palin or Chris Christie — or real ones from Michele Bachmann, Rick Perry or Herman Cain — the former Massachusetts governor, with maddening consistency, has gotten a quarter of the primary vote.
{mosads}It would seem that 75 percent of the Republican primary voters will vote for anybody but Romney, no matter the flavor du jour. And, when candidates fade, their vote share is picked up by the next flavor du jour, rather than going to Mitt Romney.
Right now, Herman Cain, on the strength of his bold and audacious 9-9-9 program, has surged into a tie with Romney. Hopefully the baseless charges against Cain will fade away or be discredited. But if they are not, one can already see former House Speaker Newt Gingrich (Ga.) poised to inherit the wind. Anybody but Romney!
As the field narrows down to a few candidates, will the Ron Paul voters — or those now for other candidates — come to Mitt, or will they embrace anybody but?
And, should Romney win the nomination, this lack of enthusiasm among three-quarters of the GOP vote does not augur well for his capacity to generate the turnout among his party’s base he will need to defeat Obama in November.
It is not that Romney is only getting a quarter of the vote, it is that three-quarters oppose him no matter his opponent or what’s going on.
Why the aversion to voting for Romney?
Perilously, his support comes mainly from the establishment of the GOP. He is the favorite of the Fortune 500, the Club for Growth, chambers of Commerce, Wall Street and party insiders. But his appeal is much more limited among evangelicals and Tea Party supporters.
In a sense, Mitt is a traditional Republican candidate harking back to the days before Ronald Reagan united the economic conservatives, the national-security backers and the evangelicals under one tent. Unfortunately for Romney, it was the union with evangelicals — now increasingly recast as Tea Party supporters — that let Reagan create a majority electoral coalition. Romney must follow in those footsteps if he hopes to win.
Mitt’s position supporting RomneyCare in Massachusetts and his flip-flop-flip on abortion and gay rights cause understandable concern among conservative voters. Less reasonable is the aversion to a Mormon candidate among evangelical Protestants. But, regardless of its cause, Romney’s candidacy is now reaching too limited a base for success in November.
The energy and kinetic enthusiasm that must animate the Republican campaign has to come from precisely the voters who are, at best, now lukewarm to Romney’s candidacy.
Disappointingly, it seems that Romney is not as willing as he should be to reach out to the Tea Party groups. Recently, he rejected an invitation from the Tea Party Patriots — the largest of the Tea Party groups — to a Lincoln-Douglas-style debate on Nov. 28 covered by C-SPAN. While Romney can hardly be accused of ducking debates — it seems he is in one every few weeks — it was a needless affront to a group that embraces more than half of the Tea Party organizations to plead a scheduling conflict for the date. (Even though it is my birthday!)
Romney must not sit on his lead and calmly watch the other candidates battle it out. He needs to do more to reach out to the GOP base, with which he is badly out of touch.
Morris, a former adviser to Sen. Trent Lott (R-Miss.) and President Clinton, is the author of Outrage, Fleeced, Catastrophe and 2010: Take Back America — A Battle Plan. To get all of his and Eileen McGann’s columns for free by e-mail or to order a signed copy of their latest book, Revolt!: How To Defeat Obama and Repeal His Socialist Programs — A Patriot’s Guide, go to dickmorris.com.