Climate change is an existential threat to our world. The onslaught of autocracies is an existential threat to democracies. The two go hand in hand. We can win the battle for both, and we needn’t make any concessions for either. This will require resolve and leadership, a leadership that only the United States can provide for the free world.
Putting climate ahead of everything else is a mistake; it would lead to false compromises and would erode the democratic way of life of individual rights, freedom of speech and expression. It would encourage dictators and autocrats to go about their oppressive ways, and give cover to genocide and imprisonment of political opponents. It would shelter total government control of society, the quelling of dissent and differing opinions. It would be perhaps a clean but terrifying world, a life not worth living.
No doubt, climate change is upon us, and we have to deal with it. Obviously it is an issue we have neglected for far too long, and we have reached the point where its impact can be mitigated but the damage cannot be undone. It also is a serious security threat: The consequences forecast regional wars, perhaps global conflicts. Reversing the course is still possible, albeit only with Herculean efforts. Of course, we need international cooperation — but not at any cost.
Mitigating the impact of climate change will be a delicate balancing act, where the tolerance for speed and acceleration of society will have to be carefully and continually measured. The efforts to curb climate change cannot result in a class war of “haves” and “have nots,” winners and losers, a clash of generations in our democracies. Autocracies don’t need to worry about that. We do.The radicalization of the right and of the left in our democracies is, in part, the result of fear of the future — for some, caused by the fear of the end of the world and for others, the end of the month.
Some in our midst are ready to make concessions to dictators, “in order to save the planet,” they say. Our Western democracies unfortunately appear to have forgotten the experience of authoritarianism, of Nazism and communism. Remember, Adolf Hitler and Joseph Stalin were not movie characters. Misunderstandings about the nature of dictatorship run deep. Once you embark on that road, it is close to impossible to stop. Backsliding easily can become permanent and reversal, close to impossible.
International cooperation is necessary. But if we make concessions on democracy in the name of climate urgency, if we turn a blind eye to authoritarians in the name of “international cooperation,” we are digging our own graves.
It looks like America is waking up to the challenge, while most of Europe is dangerously asleep, lulled by pure economic interests. Way too many hope that cooperation on climate will make the strategic threat to democracy go away. It won’t. Climate action and preserving, steeling and stabilizing our democracies must go hand in hand as the priority. Holding on to our values enshrined in the Constitution will command respect in the world and strengthen America’s leadership position in the West.
The elephant in the room is China. Just as Germany in the 1930s was the international underpinning of fascism across Europe, and the Soviet Union was the backbone of Stalinism across the globe, China today is the pillar internationally for the rise of totalitarianism. Russia, China’s fellow passenger, is a sideshow — annoying, but hardly the main act. China is a much more sophisticated actor than Russia. But a majority of Europeans — and arguably way too many Americans — appear not to have noticed that the mostly soft-spoken Chinese tiger indeed has very sharp teeth.
China has mesmerized the world with its economic wealth, much of which was built on our own greed, the theft of intellectual property, and crooked market conditions. We bear responsibility. The West never heeded the advice of Central European allies who warned about the dangers of “democratization through market economy.” Early enough there were warning signs that the legacy of communism is deeper and longer lasting than Western scholars naïvely anticipated. This, combined with economic strength, nationalism and historic ambition, is a long-term threat and challenge.
America must lead the way on how to combine the defense of democracy and fight climate change. True enough, its standing in the world has taken hits in recent years. But too many have been hiding their anti-Americanism behind former President Trump. Criticism of America must be for the right reasons, not fueled by hatred of America.
Yes, America has made mistakes, and it will in the future. It has been unpredictable, and at times unreliable. And yes, American democracy is showing worrisome cracks and sending a bad signal to the world, hurting its ability to lead. But none of this should be a reason to walk away from the alliance of democracies, or to weaken the cohesion of the West.
We must put the preservation of our democracy ahead of everything else. Solutions to save the planet must come through debate, in a transparent manner, supported by society through our democratic institutions. If it weren’t for freedom of speech, the climate debate wouldn’t be where it is today. We likely would have not one but many Chernobyls.
There cannot be doublespeak in the foreign policy of either the United States or Europe. No economic interests, no climate-related “friendships” with authoritarian governments, should weaken the resolve to defend democracy. Our grandchildren should not grow up on a planet where you can breathe, but not freely.
Andras Simonyi, Ph.D., lives in Washington and is the former Hungarian ambassador to the United States and to NATO. Follow him on Twitter @AndrasSimonyi.