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The global grasp of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps is tightening 

In this picture released by the official website of the office of the Iranian supreme leader, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, center, reviews a group of armed forces cadets during their graduation ceremony accompanied by commanders of the armed forces, at the police academy in Tehran, Iran, Monday, Oct. 3, 2022. (Office of the Iranian Supreme Leader via AP)

Seven months ago, while hosting a talk show on Iran International TV in London, an unexpected notice came one night. We were told not to go to our London office the next day because the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) had threatened a terrorist attack against our station, with British security forces finding evidence of the threat. The next day, to keep my show running for millions of viewers in Iran, I moved to a U.S. studio to continue broadcasting. 

This happened when the Islamic Republic was angered by our coverage of anti-government protests following the death of Mahsa Amini — protests that were harshly put down by the IRGC and other security forces. Until then, the IRGC had suppressed nationwide protests and even extended its oppressive reach to the United Kingdom. 

Iranian citizens and journalists abroad aren’t the only ones bearing the brunt of Ali Khamenei’s decisions, carried out by IRGC. Although the U.S. government asserts there’s no evidence of the Islamic Republic’s involvement in Hamas’s attack on Israel, a consensus exists that, for years, the IRGC has been the principal supporter of Hamas, Islamic Jihad and Hezbollah in Lebanon — forces presently firing missiles toward Israeli cities.  

On Oct. 17, Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic, remarked in a speech, “Some officials in certain countries […] have protested in defense of the Zionist occupiers as to why Palestinians have killed civilians. […] This statement is contrary to the truth. Those who live in [Israeli] settlements are not civilians. They are all armed. Even if we assume they are non-combatants, how many non-combatants have been killed?”  

Simultaneously, Iran’s foreign minister reiterated at least twice that, “The hand of resistance groups, or in other words, Iran’s proxies in the region, is on the trigger” — a statement that is entirely provocative and subtly threatening. 

Over the last four decades, the leaders of the Islamic Republic have made no secret of their desire to obliterate Israel. The question now arises: how does the international community perceive a regime that advocates for Israel’s destruction and supports groups attacking Israeli citizens? 

Despite various attempts, the West has failed to reach a sustainable agreement with Iran or alter its behavior over recent decades. This regime, unwilling to compromise or change its stance, is acutely aware that the West, particularly the United States, lacks a Plan B to contain it. It seems Iran is exploiting a perceived void in Western foreign policy to its advantage. The costly entanglements in Iraq and Afghanistan have left the U.S. wary of military interventions, a sentiment shared broadly in the West. The Islamic Republic clearly recognizes this cautious approach and has carved out a relatively safe space for its regional ambitions. 

Whether the recent Hamas attack on Israel was green-lighted by Ali Khamenei and the Revolutionary Guard Corps or not, the fact remains that it has disrupted the normalizing peace process between Arab nations and Israel, a process that had been making historic strides. Which power has openly expressed its displeasure with this process? Iran.  

Khamenei’s statement, just four days before the Hamas attack, advised Arab countries against “betting on the losing horse of Israel.” Now, the normalization of relations between Arab states and Israel has become significantly more challenging and bitter, serving the interests of the Islamic Republic quite well. Through these actions and statements, Iran continues to stir the pot of regional discord, underlining the global concern over its policies and actions toward Israel and the broader Middle East. 

On one hand, the Islamic Republic continues to incite Muslim and Arab sentiments against Israel and the United States. On Oct. 17, Ayatollah Khamenei stated, “No one can confront Muslims and the resistance forces if the Zionist regime’s [Israel] crimes against Palestinians continue. The bombardment of Gaza must stop immediately.” 

Iran’s destructive strategy doesn’t end here. The Revolutionary Guard’s drones are still being utilized by Russia in Ukraine, leading to the demise of Ukrainians allied with the West. 

The takeaways from all these actions are clear: within Iran, the regime suppresses a populace that has voiced its desire for governmental change across the nation. In Britain, according to MI6, efforts have been made to abduct or terrorize at least 10 British citizens or residents; the regime advocates for Israel’s obliteration and incites proxy groups across the region against the Jewish state, stirs Muslim sentiments against Western nations, attempts to halt the Arab-Israeli peace process, and provides arms support to Russia in its conflict with Ukraine. Its slogan still remains: “Death to America.” Alongside all these, it maintains an opaque nuclear program, with its potential attainment of nuclear weapons posing a serious threat to the region and the world. 

These actions underscore the failure of the current approach toward the Islamic Republic. The reluctance of the West to escalate tensions with Iran doesn’t signify Iran’s intent to act responsibly. The threat posed by the Islamic Republic and the Revolutionary Guards is grave. A new strategy doesn’t imply repeating the Iraq and Afghanistan experiences. Listing the IRGC, the main arm of the Iranian government, as a terrorist organization by Britain and Europe could send a strong signal to Iranian leaders.  

A more earnest support for the Iranian people’s struggle, who are secular and seek engagement with the West, could be another effective step. Discontented citizens within Iran, journalists like myself targeted by Revolutionary Guard threats in the heart of Britain, Ukrainian citizens, Israelis and Palestinian civilians — we are all victims of one force: the Revolutionary Guard and its leader, Ali Khamenei. Isn’t it time for Britain, the European Union, and the United States to devise a new strategy to contain such an unruly actor? 

Sima Sabet is a former host at Iran International TV and an expert on Iranian affairs. 

Tags Ali Khamenei Hamas-Israel conflict Iran Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps

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