America ls losing its democratic edge

The spectacle in Beijing last week was breathtaking and deeply sobering. China’s massive military parade, commemorating the end of World War II, showcased cutting-edge drones, stealth aircraft and advanced anti-ship missiles. It was a vivid reminder of what U.S. defense experts have warned for years: China is catching up to the U.S., and in some areas, particularly industrial capacity, it may soon match or exceed us. The regional balance of power, especially across the Taiwan Strait, is shifting rapidly.

For Americans, the parade should ring alarm bells. Our military advantage, the edge that reassured allies and deterred adversaries, is eroding. But there is still a bigger concern: our democratic advantage is eroding too.

During the Cold War, America did not prevail because we had more tanks or bigger missiles. We prevailed because our system of government, messy and imperfect though it was, inspired others. Our alliances, from NATO to bilateral pacts in Asia, were built not simply on military necessity but on shared values: free elections, the rule of law, and respect for human dignity. Democracy was our ultimate force multiplier.

Today, that advantage is under strain, not because of what others are doing but because of our own choices.

At home, polarization and political dysfunction are making it harder to demonstrate the steadiness that once defined U.S. leadership. Abroad, under President Trump, America has leaned on a more transactional style of diplomacy, using tariffs, one-off bargains, and threats of retaliation to advance U.S. interests as he defines them. Such tactics may deliver short-term wins but they corrode the long-term trust and solidarity that are the foundation of America’s influence.

The problem is compounded by a Congress that has too often surrendered its responsibilities to the executive branch. War powers, trade policy, and even the basic work of budgeting have been ceded to the White House. The result is an imbalance that diminishes accountability and weakens strategy.

The damage goes beyond process. When America undercuts its own institutions or treats allies as adversaries, we hand China and Russia propaganda victories. Beijing is quick to argue that Western democracy is chaotic and failing. Moscow points to political turmoil in Washington to excuse its own repression. Authoritarians are always eager to say: “Why should we listen to you?”

Meanwhile, allies who once looked to Washington for reassurance are hedging their bets. Europe is debating greater “strategic autonomy.” India, once touted as a natural partner, is pursuing a more independent path while moving closer to its historic nemesis, China. Even close friends in Asia worry about the reliability of U.S. commitments.

That reliability is being further tested by President Trump’s own defense policies. His decision, backed by Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, to rebrand the Pentagon as the “Department of War” may thrill his political base, but it sends the wrong message to would-be allies and partners. America’s strength has never rested solely on its ability to wage war; it has rested on its ability to keep the peace.

Even more troubling, the draft of the next National Defense Strategy reportedly shifts focus away from China and toward homeland security and the Western Hemisphere. Protecting the homeland is essential, but deprioritizing the pacing challenge of China — and the so-called axis of resistance (Russia, Iran, North Korea) which joined its parade — risks leaving our allies in Asia exposed and emboldens Beijing at precisely the moment it is most aggressive. America cannot lead if it signals retreat from the frontlines of global threats.

None of this is to suggest we can neglect our defenses. The bipartisan Commission on the National Defense Strategy recently concluded that the United States is not adequately prepared for a potential great-power war. We must invest in advanced systems, rebuild our defense industrial base, and strengthen alliances in Asia and Europe.

But if we focus only on ships, planes and missiles, we will miss the larger point. Competing with China requires not just military strength but democratic renewal. The world is watching to see if America can reclaim the mantle of liberty, restore trust in its institutions, and show that Congress and the executive branch together can govern responsibly.

Recommitting to democracy is not a luxury. It is a strategic necessity. The lesson of the Cold War is clear: we succeed when our values are our greatest export. If America loses that advantage, no parade in Beijing or Washington will matter.

Jane Harman is a former nine-term congresswoman from California and former ranking member of the House Intelligence Committee, who most recently served as chair of the Commission on the National Defense Strategy. She is the author of “Insanity Defense: Why Our Failure to Confront Hard National Security Problems Makes Us Less Safe.”